44,556,653: ESTIMATING THE IGBO POPULATION OF NIGERIA

 

4 December 2025  /  friday Blues 1-022

 

FRATERNITY FOR NUMBERS — ESTIMATING THE IGBO POPULATION OF NIGERIA:

A REASONED CASE FOR 44.56 MILLION NDIGBO 

 

by Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje 

 

+234 80 34 72 59 05   /   druzoadirieje2015@gmail.com

follow Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje on Facebook by clicking on this link <https://www.facebook.com/uzoadirieje> to receive more posts.

 

INTRODUCTION

 

Nigeria’s demographic story is incomplete if it ignores one of its most mobile, industrious and widely dispersed peoples: the Igbo. After careful modelling that combines historical settlement patterns, city-centred migration dynamics, and conservative inclusions of indigenous Igbo-speaking communities beyond the five eastern states, it is estimated that the current Igbo population in Nigeria stands at 44,556,653 (Forty-four Million, Five Hundred and Fifty-six Thousand, Six Hundred and Fifty-three). This figure is not a census count — none exists at the state level by ethnicity — but a reasoned, transparent estimate grounded in history, urban demography and local realities.

HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS

 

Long before independence, Igbo traders, civil servants and railway workers were an unmistakable presence across Nigeria’s emerging colonial towns. From the railway settlements and market quarters of Kano, Kaduna and Jos to the river ports and trading districts of Lagos and Port Harcourt, Igbo migrants established dense, self-reproducing communities in the first half of the twentieth century. By the 1950s and early 1960s these communities were sizeable — numbering in the hundreds of thousands in major cities — and they formed the backbone of southern trading networks in the north and west.

The 1967–1970 war and its aftermath disrupted lives and movement, but it did not erase deep urban entrenchment. Many Igbo returned to cities, re-established businesses and continued to migrate, marry and build families across Nigeria. The pattern since independence has therefore been one not of temporary sojourns but of durable settlement: urban-concentrated, commercially active and widely dispersed.

WHY A NEW ESTIMATE WAS NEEDED

 

Official Nigerian census publications do not offer a contemporary, state-by-state ethnic breakdown. That absence — combined with dynamic internal migration — has left a gap frequently filled by loose claims or political rhetoric. To provide a defensible number, this writerI constructed a model that synthesizes three core elements:

1. Core Igboland anchoring: the five East Central states (Abia, Anambra, Enugu, Imo, Ebonyi) remain overwhelmingly Igbo in language and culture. Any reasonable estimate must preserve very high shares for these states because they are the demographic base and cultural heartland.

2. Urban-magnet correction: Lagos, the Federal Capital Territory (Abuja), Kano, Port Harcourt and other major cities host large, concentrated Igbo communities whose size cannot be captured by small state-wide percentage allocations. Using metro-focused shares for these urban hubs more accurately reflects reality: millions of Igbo live and work in Lagos, Kano, Port Harcourt and Abuja; while hundreds of thousands (and in some estimates approaching a million) live in many other States across Nigeria.

3. Indigenous Igbo speaking pockets beyond the east: important indigenous Igbo or Igbo-related populations exist in Delta (Anioma), Rivers (Ikwerre, Etche, Omuma, Ndoni and others), Edo (Igbanke and boundary communities), Kogi (Ibaji and adjoining areas), Benue, Akwa Ibom and Cross River. These communities are not migrants in the usual sense; they are historically rooted, must be included fully in those States, and not treated as a marginal “1%” state share.

WHAT THE NUMBER REPRESENTS AND HOW IT WAS BUILT

 

The 44,556,653 estimate is a point value produced by combining:

a. Very high Igbo shares in the five core eastern states (reflecting near-majority or majority composition).
b. Metro-level shares for Lagos, Kano, Port Harcourt, and FCT/Abuja that recognise their roles as migration magnets and economic hubs, producing multi-million Igbo presences in each city.
c. City-based corrections for Kano, Port Harcourt, Kaduna and Jos to capture concentrated urban Igbo communities.
d. Explicit, locally informed point estimates for indigenous Igbo populations in Delta, Rivers, Edo, Kogi, Benue, Akwa Ibom and Cross River that go beyond marginal state shares and respect historical settlement.
e. Conservative assumptions elsewhere (small but present Igbo populations across many northern and central states), acknowledging long-term migrant families in markets, the civil service and the professions.

EMPHASISING TRANSPARENCY

 

Every upward revision from conservative earlier models is traceable to either (a) urban-concentration logic or (b) recognition of indigenous, historically present Igbo groups in non-eastern states. Together these corrections move the national total from earlier conservative estimates (25-35 million) — hence 44.56 million stands as a judicious, evidence-guided figure.

LIMITATIONS AND SENSITIVITY

 

This estimate is not immutable. Small changes in assumed urban shares for Lagos, Kano and Abuja, or alternative assumptions about Anioma and Ikwerre population sizes, will change the national total by millions. That said, the robust historical fact remains: Igbo populations in many Nigerian states and cities are large, persistent and central to national life. The estimate therefore should be read as a conservative-to-moderate assessment that corrects previous undercounts rather than an exaggerated claim.

POLICY IMPLICATIONS: WHY NUMBERS MATTER

 

Population estimates are not merely academic; they inform resource allocation, political representation, infrastructure planning and national reconciliation. Accepting that over 44 million Nigerians of Igbo heritage live across the federation must shift policy conversations. Equitable federal appointments, fair infrastructural investment, protection of commercial rights and deliberate inclusion in national planning are not matters of charity but of utilitarian governance. Nigeria cannot harness the full potential of Ndigbo if the country continues to treats them as second-class participants in the Nigerian federation they have helped build.

CONCLUSION

 

The figure 44,556,653 is a reasoned estimate grounded in history, urban demography and respect for indigenous settlement patterns. It calls for sober recognition — by academics, policy makers and civic leaders — that the Igbo are not confined to the five eastern states. They are a nationwide people whose fair inclusion is central to Nigeria’s future stability and prosperity.

 

Long live Nigeria!

Noble High Chief Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje is a chartered Global Health and Development Systems consultant, and a distinguished and multidimensional communicator whose work as a writer, columnist, blogger, reviewer, editor, and author bridges the intersections of global health, sustainable development, human rights, climate justice, and governance. He is the Chief of Protocols of the Abuja Grand Commandery of the Ancient and Noble Order of the Knights of St. John International, and has attained the Noble (highest) degree of the Order. He has been honoured as ‘Ezinna’ CMO of St. John of the Cross Parish, Amaruru, Orlu Diocese, Imo State; and ‘Ezinna’ CWO of St. Martin Parish, Lugbe Abuja. He holds a number of chieftaincy titles including ‘High Chief Ugwumba I of Amaruru clan’, and ‘Ahaejiejemba Ndigbo Lagos State’. 

 

FROM OCCUPY NIGERIA TO QUIET STREETS: THE UNEVEN CIVIC REACTION TO SUBSIDY REMOVAL IN 2012 VS. 2023 [current concerns 2-028]

 

25 November 2025 / current concerns 2-028

 

[This article may be freely published with credit/authorship is retained, and the reference/link shared this author] 

 

FROM OCCUPY NIGERIA TO QUIET STREETS: THE UNEVEN CIVIC REACTION TO SUBSIDY REMOVAL IN 2012 VS. 2023

 

by Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje, FAHOA

 

 +2348034725905 (WhatsApp) / EMAIL: druzoadirieje2015@gmail.com

 CEO/Programmes Director, Afrihealth Optonet Association (AHOA) – CSOs Network and Think-tank

follow Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje on Facebook by clicking on this link <https://www.facebook.com/uzoadirieje> to receive more posts.

 

INTRODUCTION

 

When the federal government announced the removal of the fuel subsidy on 1 January 2012, Nigeria erupted. What became known as “Occupy Nigeria” swept cities, campuses and social networks: human barricades down highways, mass strikes organized by the labour movement, and visible, sustained street pressure that forced the government to partially roll back its decision within weeks. The 2012 mobilization combined traditional union muscle with an emergent digital public sphere — a potent mix that made the streets the primary theatre of dissent.

 

FAST-FORWARD TO 2023

 

President Bola Tinubu’s administration took a decisive path on subsidy removal as part of a broader macroeconomic reform package. Labour unions again cried foul and called strikes. There were protests, meetings between the president and union leaders, and sporadic marches. But the dramatic, paralyzing mass of 2012 — the long lines at petrol stations, the near-universal closure of businesses, the sustained presence of youth and workers across major cities — did not reappear in the same way. The 2023 agitation was more fragmented: industrial action and targeted demonstrations replaced the sprawling “parliament of the streets” that defined 2012.

 

BUT WHY

 

Why did ostensibly similar shocks produce such different civic trajectories? A web of social, political and structural changes had reshaped the citizens’ calculus:

 

I. MEMORY OF 2012 ITSELF ALTERED EXPECTATIONS

Occupy Nigeria delivered quick political results — or at least visible government concessions — and it taught both protesters and authorities lessons about leverage and limits. The state strengthened preparedness, and parts of the protest ecosystem learned that street pressure can produce short-term gains but not necessarily long-term change. By 2023, many Nigerians judged that the battlefield had shifted: protest might register anger, but it would not reliably reverse macroeconomic policy. This institutional learning dampened the appetite for mass street action.

 

II. SHIFT IN THE COMPOSITION AND CAPACITY OF THE LEAD CIVIC ACTORS FROM 2012

In 2012, the Nigeria Labour Congress and civil society groups provided coherent, cross-class leadership. Social media amplified coordination in real time. Research on Occupy Nigeria has shown how Facebook and Twitter were pivotal in messaging and mobilization. By 2023, the labour movement was less cohesive, and civil society was fragmented by funding gaps, state pressure, and competing priorities. Social media — while larger and more sophisticated — had also been professionalized and polarized, eroding the organic, cross-cutting networks that powered the earlier uprising.

 

III. REALITY OF ECONOMIC HARDSHIP ON PEOPLE’S LIVES

Paradoxically, when deprivation becomes chronic, citizens’ risk calculus changes. In 2012 many Nigerians still had the capacity — socially and economically — to sustain mass demonstrations. A decade of depreciation, inflation and repeated shocks left millions in 2023 with fewer buffers. The cost of missing work, of losing a day’s earnings to stand in the sun, became a deterrent. Mass action requires not just outrage but the material bandwidth to act; when households are stretched, protest is one risk too many.

 

IV. STATE’S POSTURE AND SECURITY ARCHITECTURE EVOLVED

After 2012 the state invested in surveillance, crowd-control practices and rapid-response strategies. The heavy-handed suppression of protests in some later episodes — sometimes with tragic loss of life — sowed caution. Where 2012 felt like a popular uprising with an unpredictable outcome, 2023 often felt like an arena where the state had the upper hand. Reports around the 2023 protests documented arrests, clashes and a more guarded public space, conditions that disincentivise large, sustained street mobilization.

 

V. POLITICAL LEGITIMACY AND ELITE DYNAMICS

In 2012 the subsidy removal was framed by many as a symptom of corruption and elite mismanagement; the protest cut across party lines. By 2023, political alignments, patronage networks and fatigue with party politics had reshaped the political terrain. Some who protested in 2012 had by 2023 been co-opted, disillusioned, or simply preoccupied with survival. The fragmentation of political opposition and the absence of a unified, credible alternative strategy for relief or reform left protest without a clear endgame.

 

This uneven civic reaction carries lessons for activists and policymakers alike. Movements must build durable institutions, not episodic flare-ups; they must pair street pressure with proposals that address both short-term relief and long-term structural reform. Governments that intend to implement hard economic choices must do so transparently, with targeted social protections that reduce the immediate pain for the poorest. And for civil society and health actors — particularly those concerned with social determinants of health and vulnerability — the task is to craft responses that protect the most exposed households from policy shocks that translate quickly into hunger, illness and lost livelihoods.

 

Occupy Nigeria showed the power of the streets; the quieter, more fractured 2023 response shows the limits of spectacle when structural vulnerabilities are deeper and institutional trust is lower. For a resilient civic space capable of holding power to account — and protecting ordinary citizens from the worst of economic adjustment — both movement-builders and policymakers have work to do. The question now is whether Nigeria will invest in the social contracts that allow painful reforms to be legitimate, fair, and humane — or whether the next shock will produce an even more brittle, and potentially more volatile, public reaction.

 

 

About this Writer: 

Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje is an environmental health researcher with Afrihealth Optonet Association (AHOA), focused on linking ecosystem health and human well-being in Nigeria. He is a global health practitioner, development expert, and civil society leader whose work sits at the critical nexus of biodiversity, health, and climate change. He serves as the CEO of AHOA, a pan-African and global South civil society network advancing sustainable development through advocacy, policy dialogue, and grassroots interventions. With over two decades of experience, Dr. Adirieje has championed the understanding that biodiversity is essential for human health - supporting food security, disease regulation, clean water, and resilient livelihoods. His leadership promotes integrated approaches that address environmental degradation, climate change, and poverty simultaneously. Through AHOA, he leads multi-country initiatives on climate change, ecosystem restoration, renewable energy, universal health coverage, and climate-smart agriculture, while advocating for stronger governance and inclusive community participation. At national, regional, and global levels, Dr. Adirieje engages with governments, international organizations, and civil society to drive policies linking health and environment. His work underscores that safeguarding biodiversity is not only an ecological necessity but also a cornerstone of global health and sustainable development in Africa and the Global South.

 

WELCOMING OUR NEW SOLDIERS OF CHRIST: EMBRACING THE SACRED CALL TO SERVICE, UNITY, FAITH, AND BROTHERHOOD

 

21 November 2025  /  friday Blues 1-020

 

WELCOMING OUR NEW SOLDIERS OF CHRIST: EMBRACING THE SACRED CALL TO SERVICE, UNITY, FAITH, AND BROTHERHOOD

 

by Noble Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje (KSJI)

 

+234 80 34 72 59 05   /   druzoadirieje2015@gmail.com

follow Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje on Facebook by clicking on this link <https://www.facebook.com/uzoadirieje> to receive more posts.

This article is also available at the following link

 

Beloved Brothers and Sisters in Christ,

Distinguished Knights and Gracious Ladies,

 

It is with profound joy, gratitude, and a deep sense of Christian solidarity that we welcome you—our newly initiated members—into the Abuja Grand Commandery of the Ancient and Noble Order of the Knights of St. John International and the Ladies Auxiliary. Today, you have not only joined a centuries-old tradition of honour and discipline; you have answered a sacred call to service, faith, and fellowship.

 

Scripture reminds us in Psalm 133:1, “Behold, how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity.” Today, you become part of a spiritual family bound by unity of purpose, fortified by charity, and guided by the light of Christ. Your initiation marks the beginning of a journey of growth, sacrifice, and noble duty, and we celebrate you with hearts full of pride and thanksgiving.

 

The Knights of St. John International is not merely an organization—it is a ministry of service. As Christ teaches in Matthew 20:28, “The Son of Man did not come to be served, but to serve.” In this spirit, you are called to embody humility, courage, loyalty, and charity. These virtues are the pillars of our Order and the foundation of our Christian witness. Through your membership, you now join hands with thousands worldwide who strive daily to defend the faith, uplift the needy, and advance the mission of the Church.

 

Dear new Knights and Ladies, your admission today affirms your readiness to stand as soldiers of Christ, defenders of truth, and ambassadors of peace. As Ephesians 6:11 urges us, “Put on the whole armor of God, that you may be able to stand against the wiles of the devil.” Your regalia symbolizes this spiritual armor, reminding you that your battles are fought with love, integrity, and unwavering devotion to God.

 

Our Abuja Grand Commandery and Laux under the leadership of Noble Brig. General Bona Ugwuja as Grand President, and Noble Lady Florence Chuke as the Grand Respected President respectively, rejoices in your presence, energy, and commitment. We look forward to your active participation in our spiritual, humanitarian, and communal engagements. May your talents flourish, your faith deepen, and your service bring blessings to the Church, our communities, and our beloved Order.

 

As your Grand Chief of Protocols, I assure you of our fraternity’s support, mentorship, and brotherly companionship. You are not alone on this journey; you walk with Christ and with a united body of Knights and Ladies who stand ready to guide and uplift you.

 

In the words of Philippians 4:13, “I can do all things through Christ who strengthens me.” May this assurance empower you as you embrace your new identity with courage and joy.

 

Welcome, once again, dear Brothers and Sisters, into the Abuja Grand Commandery. May the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be upon you now and always.

Vivat Jesus!

 

 

Noble Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje is a distinguished and multidimensional communicator whose work as a writer, columnist, blogger, reviewer, editor, and author bridges the intersections of global health, sustainable development, human rights, climate justice, and governance. He is the Chief of Protocols of the Abuja Grand Commandery of the Ancient and Noble Order of the Knights of St. John International, and has attained the Noble (highest) degree of the Order. A former Vice Chairman of the PPC and two-terms President of the CMO of St. Martin Parish, Lugbe Abuja, Sir Uzodinma Adirieje has been honoured as ‘Ezinna’ CMO of St. John of the Cross Parish, Amaruru, Orlu Diocese, Imo State; and ‘Ezinna’ CWO of St. Martin Parish, Lugbe Abuja. He holds the ‘Ozo’ title as ‘Nze Akuzuobodo’, and a number of chieftaincy titles including ‘High Chief Ugwumba I of Amaruru clan’, and ‘Ahaejiejemba Ndigbo Lagos State’.

 

ADVANCING HYDROGEN AND CLEAN ENERGY SYSTEMS FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

 

18 November 2025 / current concerns 2-027

 

[This article may be freely published with credit/authorship is retained, and the reference/link shared this author] 

 

ADVANCING HYDROGEN AND CLEAN ENERGY SYSTEMS FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

 

by Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje, FAHOA

 

 +2348034725905 (WhatsApp) / EMAIL: druzoadirieje2015@gmail.com

 CEO/Programmes Director, Afrihealth Optonet Association (AHOA) – CSOs Network and Think-tank

follow Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje on Facebook by clicking on this link <https://www.facebook.com/uzoadirieje> to receive more posts.

 

 

INTRODUCTION

Africa stands at a pivotal moment in its development trajectory. With burgeoning populations, accelerating urbanisation, and rising energy demand, the continent has a dual imperative: to meet the needs of its people and to do so in ways that align with the goals of climate resilience, sustainability, and equitable growth. Clean energy systems — and in particular hydrogen technology — offer a transformative pathway. This article sets out a vision for how Africa can advance hydrogen and clean energy systems to achieve sustainable development, and outlines practical strategies, challenges, and opportunities for implementation.

 

WHY HYDROGEN AND CLEAN ENERGY MATTER FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT

a) Abundant renewable resources: Many African countries are endowed with exceptional solar, wind and hydropower potential. This resource base means that the continent is well-positioned to produce clean hydrogen affordably — particularly “green hydrogen” produced by electrolysis powered by renewables.

b) Decarbonisation of hard-to-abate sectors: Hydrogen offers a pathway to decarbonise sectors that are difficult to address through only solar or wind — such as heavy transport, industrial heat, fertilizer production, and long-duration energy storage.

c) Energy access, equity and job creation: Clean energy systems — including hydrogen-enabled ones — can support off-grid or weak-grid communities, create skilled employment, foster industrial development and help meet multiple Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

d) Export and economic diversification opportunities: Africa has the possibility not only to satisfy domestic clean energy demand but also to become a global supplier of hydrogen or hydrogen-derived fuels, thereby capturing value, catalysing investment and diversifying economies.

 

STRATEGIC PILLARS FOR AFRICA’S CLEAN HYDROGEN AND CLEAN ENERGY SYSTEMS

a) Pillar 1: Develop Clear Policy & Governance Frameworks

i. Establish national hydrogen strategies with realistic phased targets (pilot → scale → export) aligned with wider clean energy and industrialisation policies.

ii. Create enabling regulations, incentives (e.g., subsidies, tax frameworks), offtake guarantees, and certification systems to reduce investment risk.

iii. Strengthen institutional capacity (government agencies, utilities, regulatory bodies) to oversee hydrogen and hydrogen-related infrastructure.

iv. Ensure that civil society, communities, gender equity and local industry are integrated in policy design and benefit-sharing.

 

b) Pillar 2: Build Renewables-to-Hydrogen Infrastructure & Linkages

i. Accelerate large-scale deployment of renewables (solar, wind, hydro) with system upgrades to support electrolysis and hydrogen production.

ii. Invest in hydrogen production technologies (electrolysers), storage, transportation (pipelines, shipping, refuelling), and end-use infrastructure (fuel cells, hydrogen-ready industries).

iii. Prioritise regions with high resource potential and suitable infrastructure, and build modular pilot projects to validate technologies and business models.

iv. Integrate hydrogen systems with other clean energy systems (grid, mini-grids, energy storage, smart demand) to maximise synergies.

 

c) Pillar 3: Mobilise Finance, Partnerships & Local Capacity

i. Leverage blended finance (development finance, private capital, concessional debt) to bring down cost of capital and enable bankable projects.

ii. Cultivate international partnerships for technology transfer, joint investment, and market access (exports).

iii. Invest in local skills development, vocational training and higher-education programmes focused on hydrogen, electrochemistry, clean energy systems (e.g., centres of excellence).

iv. Embed local industry (manufacturing, O&M, services) and use procurement strategies that maximise local value-addition.

 

d) Pillar 4: Ensure Just Transition & Sustainable Development Co-benefits

i. Prioritise equity: ensure that underserved communities — rural, peri-urban, women and youth — benefit from clean energy access, jobs and services.

ii. Design hydrogen and clean energy projects with environmental and social safeguards (water use, land rights, biodiversity) to avoid negative externalities.

iii. Align hydrogen deployment with broader sustainable development goals: clean water, health, education, industrialisation, decent work.

 

Key Barriers and Mitigation Paths

Barrier	Mitigation Strategy
High initial capital costs and financing risk	Use blended finance, de-risking tools, phased project scale-up
Weak grid and energy infrastructure in many regions	Prioritise complementary investments in grid upgrades and decentralised systems
Policy/regulatory uncertainty	Develop clear national roadmaps, stable incentives and regulatory clarity
Skills and technical capacity gaps	Invest in training, research centres, technology transfer and partnerships
Water and land constraints (especially in arid zones)	Use integrated planning (water-energy-land nexus), deploy technologies that minimise water use
Ensuring local benefit vs. export-only models	Embed local content, jobs/training targets, community engagement and value linkage to domestic needs

 

OPPORTUNITIES FOR NIGERIA AND WEST AFRICA

For Nigeria and the West African region, the hydrogen and clean energy opportunity is especially compelling:

1. Nigeria has substantial solar/wind potential in the north, and via hydrogen can diversify away from fossil-fuel dependence.

2. Integrating hydrogen strategies with Nigeria’s energy transition plan, industrial policy and SDG commitments can accelerate impact.

 

A CALL TO ACTION

Civil society, development partners and policy-makers must seize this moment. The continent can leap-frog traditional carbon-intensive pathways and position itself as a global leader in clean hydrogen and energy systems — but only if we act decisively, inclusively and strategically. In my capacities with AHOA, SOCSEEN, ANCSO, GCSCCC and CSP4SDGs, I call for the following:

1. Governments to adopt and publish national hydrogen strategies aligned with SDGs and climate goals.

ii. Investors and financiers to prioritise hydrogen-clean energy projects that embed local development outcomes.

iii. Universities, research institutes and industry to collaborate on technology, training and localisation.

iv. Communities to be engaged proactively in project design and benefit-sharing.

v. International partners to support African-led projects, ensuring technology transfer and equitable value chains.

 

CONCLUSION

Clean energy systems — anchored by hydrogen — can unlock sustainable development across Africa: enhancing energy access, supporting industrial growth, creating jobs, reducing emissions and positioning the continent for the 21st century economy. By aligning our efforts across policy, infrastructure, finance and social inclusion, we can build an energy future that is clean, just and prosperous for all Africans. Let us move from vision to action.

 

 

About this Writer: 

Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje is an environmental health researcher with Afrihealth Optonet Association (AHOA), focused on linking ecosystem health and human well-being in Nigeria. He is a global health practitioner, development expert, and civil society leader whose work sits at the critical nexus of biodiversity, health, and climate change. He serves as the CEO of AHOA, a pan-African and global South civil society network advancing sustainable development through advocacy, policy dialogue, and grassroots interventions. With over two decades of experience, Dr. Adirieje has championed the understanding that biodiversity is essential for human health - supporting food security, disease regulation, clean water, and resilient livelihoods. His leadership promotes integrated approaches that address environmental degradation, climate change, and poverty simultaneously. Through AHOA, he leads multi-country initiatives on climate change, ecosystem restoration, renewable energy, universal health coverage, and climate-smart agriculture, while advocating for stronger governance and inclusive community participation. At national, regional, and global levels, Dr. Adirieje engages with governments, international organizations, and civil society to drive policies linking health and environment. His work underscores that safeguarding biodiversity is not only an ecological necessity but also a cornerstone of global health and sustainable development in Africa and the Global South.

WHEN WE HAVE ALL DIED: CITIZEN NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF PEOPLE OUTSIDE GOVERNMENT CIRCLES IN TODAY'S NIGERIA

 

14 November 2025  /  friday Blues 1-020

 

WHEN WE HAVE ALL DIED: CITIZEN NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF PEOPLE OUTSIDE GOVERNMENT CIRCLES IN TODAY'S NIGERIA

 

by Noble Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje (KSJI)

 

+234 80 34 72 59 05   /   druzoadirieje2015@gmail.com

follow Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje on Facebook by clicking on this link <https://www.facebook.com/uzoadirieje> to receive more posts.

 

 

Nigeria’s headlines are thick with statistics, speeches, and promises. Yet beyond the conference halls and official communiqués there is another country — the country of ordinary people who wake before dawn to chase uncertain incomes, who sleep anxiously because tonight’s small gains may evaporate with a single roadblock, a single power outage, or a single violent incursion. This is not an abstract tragedy: it is the lived reality of millions whose lives fall outside the protective orbit of government circles.

 

To confess the obvious is to risk being accused of sabotage, aligning with the opposition, or you are charged with any crime and kept away. But hope without truth is idle. When markets fail to deliver stable food prices, when farmers abandon fields for fear of attack, and when parents cannot afford a clinic visit for a sick child, the social fabric frays. Hunger is not merely the absence of food; it is also the erosion of dignity. Insecurity is not merely the threat of violence; it is the normalization of fear. Together they create a compound wound: even where resources exist, they cannot be accessed without safety, social capital, or political connection.

 

The geography of suffering is uneven but omnipresent. In urban slums, informal traders watch customers vanish as disposable incomes shrink. In peri-urban communities, artisans and transport workers face extortion and hijacked livelihoods. In rural hinterlands, smallholder farmers — the backbone of our food system — abandon their farms because roads are unsafe and markets unreachable. These are not statistics to be filed away; they are mothers, fathers, youths, and elders whose daily calculus of survival consumes talents that should have built our nation.

 

The causes are many and intertwined. Poor governance — evidenced by pipeline theft, mismanaged resources, and porous public institutions — creates openings for criminality and corruption. A grossly weak social safety net leaves families exposed when shocks occur. Inadequate investment in agriculture and rural infrastructure makes food production fragile and supply chains brittle. And when the rule of law is inconsistently applied, powerful actors and shadow networks thrive while ordinary citizens are left to bear and get crippled under the weight of the consequences.

 

The human cost is visible in schools with dwindling attendance, clinics with unpaid staff and intermittent supplies, and in towns where markets contract and prices spike. It is visible in the migration of able-bodied youth toward uncertain urban frontiers or dangerous migration routes abroad. It is visible in communities where traditional supports — religious networks, communal labour systems, local dispute resolution mechanisms — struggle under the strain of prolonged deprivation.

 

But beyond cataloguing failures, a candid citizen assessment must ask: who is accountable, and what can be done? Accountability begins with recognition — by leaders, by elites, and by citizens themselves — that good governance is not merely a technical project but a moral imperative. Policies must be oriented toward risk reduction and resilience: investments in decentralized food systems, rural roads, and secure storage; robust community policing tied to professional oversight; and scaled social protection schemes that cushion households against shocks.

 

Civil society and faith communities remain vital intermediaries. They know the ground, the people, the networks. Empowering local organizations with transparent resources and real decision-making space will amplify community resilience. Similarly, a regeneration of civic education — teaching citizens their rights and responsibilities — rebuilds the social contract that hunger and insecurity erode. Private sector actors have a role too. Ethical investment in agribusiness, respectful public–private partnerships for logistics and energy, and microfinance models that are tailored to low-income realities can expand livelihoods without deepening dependency. But the private sector must be bound to clear social obligations; profit cannot be the sole metric when entire communities are at stake.

 

Technology offers tools — early warning systems for food insecurity, mobile cash transfers, and platforms that connect farmers to markets — but technology is only as good as the structures that support it. It cannot replace boots on the ground, effective local governance, or the political will to dismantle rent-seeking systems.

 

If we are to avert the grim imagery of a nation hollowed by hunger and fear, we must centre the voices of those most affected in every stage of design and response. We must build systems that protect the poorest from shocks, that restore the dignity of work, and that guarantee the basic security required for communities to thrive. Only then will the statistical aggregates on paper begin to reflect the lived realities of a people whose daily struggle is too often invisible to those in power. In the end, Nigeria will be measured not by the eloquence of its leaders in announcements, but by the fullness of life experienced by its weakest citizens. Let us be judged, in good measure, by whether we acted when the people outside government circles called for bread, safety, and justice — and whether, in answering that call, we chose life over despair.

 

Finally, the story of hunger and insecurity is also a story of moral witness. When citizens say “we have all died of hunger and insecurity,” they are speaking from the present, but also issuing a challenge to our conscience. National renewal will not come solely from grand infrastructure projects or headline reforms; it will come when the Presidency, Governors, National Assembly members, Ministers, LGA Chairmen, policy-makers, traditional authorities, faith leaders, and citizens choose solidarity over indifference, long-term stewardship over short-term gain, and truth over comfortable narratives.

 

 

Noble Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje is a distinguished and multidimensional communicator whose work as a writer, columnist, blogger, reviewer, editor, and author bridges the intersections of global health, sustainable development, human rights, climate justice, and governance. He is the Chief of Protocols of the Abuja Grand Commandery of the Ancient and Noble Order of the Knights of St. John International, and has attained the Noble (highest) degree of the Order. A former Vice Chairman of the PPC and two-terms President of the CMO of St. Martin Parish, Lugbe Abuja, Sir Uzodinma Adirieje has been honoured as ‘Ezinna’ CMO of St. John of the Cross Parish, Amaruru, Orlu Diocese, Imo State; and ‘Ezinna’ CWO of St. Martin Parish, Lugbe Abuja. He holds the ‘Ozo’ title as ‘Nze Akuzuobodo’, and a number of chieftaincy titles including ‘High Chief Ugwumba I of Amaruru clan’, and ‘Ahaejiejemba Ndigbo Lagos State’.

 

NEVER SAY NEVER.... TABLES DO TURN

 

21 November 2025  /  friday Blues 1-020

 

Never say Never.... Tables do Turn

 

by Noble Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje (KSJI)

 

+234 80 34 72 59 05   /   druzoadirieje2015@gmail.com

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Life is an unfolding mystery, a tapestry woven with triumphs, trials, and turnarounds. At one moment, you might find yourself on the ground, gasping for hope; in another, you could be soaring above the clouds, savouring sweet victories. The phrase “Never say never… tables do turn” reminds us that no situation is permanent and that each of our life’s wheels keep spinning — sometimes slowly, sometimes suddenly — but always with divine purpose.

 

There are countless stories, both in scripture and in everyday experience, that reveal the astonishing reversals life can bring. Joseph, once sold into slavery by his brothers, rose to become Egypt’s prime minister and savior of nations during famine. David, the overlooked shepherd boy, ascended to the throne of Israel. Job, who lost everything, later received twice as much as he had before. Each of these lives testifies to one immutable truth: the tables do turn — and often in ways no human can predict.

 

We must never conclude that where we are now is where we will always be. The person mocked today may be the mentor tomorrow. The oppressed can become the deliverer. The dismissed can turn out indispensable. In life’s unpredictable journey, the person sitting at the foot of the table may one day be asked to lead the banquet. Hence, never say never! It is a call to faith, humility, and perseverance.

 

The temptation to give up or speak defeat comes when challenges seem endless and progress feels invisible. But faith — especially the Christian faith — calls us to trust God beyond our understanding. Isaiah 60:22 says, “When the time is right, I, the Lord, will make it happen.” What appears delayed is not denied. What seems lost may only be preserved for a greater season. Sometimes, the wilderness is not a punishment but preparation. The waiting room of life is where God refines, redirects, and readies us for the tables He’s about to turn.

 

On the flip side, those who are currently on top must also remember: the same tables that turn for others can turn away from us if we become proud, unjust, or ungrateful. Power, position, and privilege are not permanent possessions — they are platforms for service. The mighty fall when they forget that grace, not greatness, sustains their altitude. The same God who lifted Joseph can humble Pharaoh. The same season that favored Haman can honor Mordecai. Therefore, never say never — not in arrogance, nor in despair, but with the humility of one who knows that God alone controls the times and seasons.

 

In our societies, where people often measure worth by wealth or status, this truth is liberating. Life is not linear. Today’s employee can become tomorrow’s employer. The rejected child may become the cornerstone. Those written off by others can be rewritten into destiny’s headlines. Many world changers — from inventors to reformers, from leaders to saints — began as underdogs. They refused to say “never.” They believed, persisted, and trusted the process.

 

For the believer, hope is not optional — it is foundational. Hope anchors us when storms rage. It whispers that the story is not over. It fuels the courage to keep going, praying, and believing even when everything screams otherwise. As Romans 8:28 assures, “All things work together for good to those who love God.” That includes our delays, detours, disappointments, and defeats.

 

So, whether you are in a season of waiting or winning, remember: never say never. The same God who allowed the tide to flow one way can reverse it in your favor. Stay faithful in the dark, because morning always comes. Speak life even when life feels lifeless. Keep your heart tender, your faith firm, and your vision clear.

 

Indeed, the God who turned the cross into victory, and the grave into glory, is still in the business of turning tables. Yours may be next.

 

Never say never… tables do turn!

 

 

Noble Dr. Uzodinma Adirieje is a distinguished and multidimensional communicator whose work as a writer, columnist, blogger, reviewer, editor, and author bridges the intersections of global health, sustainable development, human rights, climate justice, and governance. He is the Chief of Protocols of the Abuja Grand Commandery of the Ancient and Noble Order of the Knights of St. John International, and has attained the Noble (highest) degree of the Order. A former Vice Chairman of the PPC and two-terms President of the CMO of St. Martin Parish, Lugbe Abuja, Sir Uzodinma Adirieje has been honoured as ‘Ezinna’ CMO of St. John of the Cross Parish, Amaruru, Orlu Diocese, Imo State; and ‘Ezinna’ CWO of St. Martin Parish, Lugbe Abuja. He holds the ‘Ozo’ title as ‘Nze Akuzuobodo’, and a number of chieftaincy titles including ‘High Chief Ugwumba I of Amaruru clan’, and ‘Ahaejiejemba Ndigbo Lagos State’.